|Título||Sluicing constructions with multiple coordinated remnants|
|Autoría||Marian Alves-Castro (UPV/EHU)|
|Resumo||This talk explores the feasibility of a bi-clausal analysis for sentences with multiple sluicing in English and Spanish. The phenomenon is illustrated in (1) for English.|
(1) ?John gave something to someone, but I don’t know what to whom.
Although acceptable in Spanish and many other languages, sentences with two wh-remnants, like that in (1) above, are not accepted by all native English speakers. Richard (1997), however, observes that these sentences are clearly ameliorated when the two constituents are conjoined, as shown in (2).
(2) John gave something to someone, but I don’t know what or to whom.
An interesting question arises concerning the structure of sentences like that in (2), if an analysis in terms of wh-movement plus TP ellipsis is to be maintained. It has to be noticed that coordination of the two wh-phrases in the non-sluiced sentence is unacceptable, which makes it impossible to generate the structure on which wh-movement, and subsequent deletion, should apply.
(3) *John gave something to someone, but I don’t know [what or to whom] John gave.
Coordination of the two internal arguments is generally impossible given their different structural status.
(4) *John gave a book or/and to Peter.
A possible way out of this dilemma is to assume a bi-clausal structure for the sluicing construction in (2). (5) shows a possible derivation of that sentence with simple sluicing occurring in two conjoined CPs.
(5) …, [CP what [TP John gave twhat to someone]] or [CP to whom [TP John gave something tto-whom]].
If this analysis is tenable, the possibility of extending it to sentences like (1) should be explored. It will likewise be shown that analogous sentences in Spanish behave in parallel ways to their English counterparts.
|Horario||Venres 15 de xuño | 15:30 - 16:00 | Aula: C2|